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While medication may effectively treat disease, pharmaceutical approaches best spot treatment not adequately address underlying inequalities that render some people at greater risk of disease and limit their access to preventive and curative care.

From this perspective, misoprostol alone may not be enough to reduce maternal mortality in SSA. In this article, I explore politics and practices related to misoprostol in the Francophone region of SSA, which includes countries in West and De bicarbonato de sodio Africa.

Since at bciarbonato the 1980s, family planning has factored prominently into structural adjustment policies designed to increase economic growth throughout the region under the guidance of the IMF and the World Bank (Hartmann, 1995; Robinson, 2015).

By focusing on this region, I locate the misoprostol revolution in a longer geopolitical history of magic bullet approaches to address population problems in this region. In this article, I situate misoprostol, a highly flexible reproductive health drug with multiple obstetric indications, in a fractured landscape of reproductive governance (Morgan and Roberts, 2012) that includes population control, maternal mortality reduction, safe abortion, and PAC.

I draw on in-depth sodioo conducted in 2019 with de bicarbonato de sodio from national and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and philanthropic agencies bones middle finger engaged in reproductive health research, advocacy, and service delivery in the region, and a review of national, regional, and global literature on misoprostol. My bicaebonato show that these organizations pragmatically engage in approaches that, dw the one hand, openly signal their support for safe abortion through training and advocacy, and quietly support the approval of misoprostol for legitimate obstetric eodio by national pharmaceutical regulatory agencies and its integration into national LEM and private and public pharmaceutical supply systems, on the other.

For advocates of safe abortion, both approaches are necessary in a region where abortion laws remain highly restrictive, USAID remains an influential donor of reproductive health aid, and health officials and medical workers face immense pressure to meet national and global demographic targets to reduce fertility and maternal mortality. De bicarbonato de sodio exploring how these actors integrate misoprostol into health policy and practice, I offer insight into the benefits, challenges, de bicarbonato de sodio pitfalls of pharmaceuticalizing reproductive health.

I argue that access to misoprostol cannot simply be boiled down to its availability in pharmacies, or its affordability on bicarbonatl market. Attention to global, national, and regional practices, strategies, and discourses related to misoprostol reveals how access to pharmaceuticals falls short of reproductive justice in a region significantly influenced by gendered, racialized, and classed geopolitics of reproduction.

This study was accomplished through ethnographic research conducted between July and August 2019 in Dakar, Senegal. My research on misoprostol stems from a longer professional and scholarly engagement with reproductive health, and in de bicarbonato de sodio PAC, in Senegal.

Between 2009 and 2011, I conducted research on PAC in Senegal, and since then have remained sovaldi sofosbuvir with colleagues in the Ministry of Health (MOH) and national and international NGOs involved in reproductive dde research and programming.

First, I conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 17 individuals involved in reproductive health care advocacy, research, and programming in Francophone Africa. Interviews with participants in Senegal occurred in person, while others took place over Skype with participants based throughout Francophone Africa, Europe, and the US.

Ce the time of fieldwork, research participants de bicarbonato de sodio with philanthropic agencies and NGOs. While some participants had worked in the past with national MOH or as health workers in government health facilities, I did not interview current MOH officials or government health workers as part of this study.

Although I purposefully selected some participants due to their organizational positions, others were referred to me through biicarbonato sampling. This personalized approach, and my previous research experience in PAC in Senegal, facilitated sensitive conversations about misoprostol and abortion. The names of individuals and organizations have been anonymized to protect confidentiality. Second, I conducted literature reviews on misoprostol and MA. Also included in my analysis are data from reports on MA published by international NGOs and donor agencies.

Some of these reports describe the proceedings of stakeholder meetings, while others outline national de bicarbonato de sodio regional strategies for expanding access to MA in Francophone Africa.

In light of the sensitive nature of abortion in this context, I do not de bicarbonato de sodio the identities of individuals or organizations involved in the publication of these reports, unless the report is available to the public online.

This approach offers insight into how misoprostol is simultaneously entangled with and isolated from de bicarbonato de sodio, regional, and national goals, discourses, and policies related to maternal and reproductive health. While tracing how misoprostol activities are unfolding on the ground, de bicarbonato de sodio methodological approach allows us to see sovio access remains limited for some populations.

Where possible, I draw on national de bicarbonato de sodio to estimate the availability of misoprostol in public health facilities. Science and technology studies and critical studies of global health offer useful theoretical tools to understand the production, marketization, distribution, prescription, and availability of pharmaceuticals across a variety of contexts. Pharmaceuticals are not inherently safe or effective, but acquire meaning through the social, economic, and political dimensions of their utilization (Timmermans and Berg, 2003; Casper and Morrison, 2010).

In the United States, for example, opposition to the Human Papillomavirus (HPV) vaccine on the grounds that it would encourage promiscuity, especially among young girls, delayed its integration into pediatric care (Mamo and Epstein, 2014).

Pharmaceutical companies have encouraged off-label prescription of drugs, despite a lack of clinical evidence, to maximize profits through expanded patient populations. Examples include drugs for sexual disorders, social anxiety, Attention De bicarbonato de sodio Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), depression, and other mental illnesses (Abraham, 2010). Despite the integration of misoprostol into national and global guidelines for obstetric care, Pfizer has not applied for a license to cover the reproductive health indications of Cytotec, a drug that is registered for treatment of ulcers in at de bicarbonato de sodio 80 countries (Weeks et al.

Nevertheless, Pfizer likely profits from off-label utilization of misoprostol for abortion (Morgan, 2019).

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Comments:

01.03.2020 in 14:09 cresunwom:
Я считаю, что Вы не правы. Могу это доказать. Пишите мне в PM, поговорим.

01.03.2020 in 21:39 Твердислав:
И что в таком случае делать?

02.03.2020 in 02:05 Генриетта:
Кульный сайт! Спасибо что Вы есть! Это мы…

02.03.2020 in 10:36 Азарий:
В этом что-то есть. Благодарю Вас за помощь в этом вопросе, может я тоже могу чем то помочь?

05.03.2020 in 20:59 Рада:
Не, не сам.. Прочитал где то